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A key feature of future broadband markets will be diversity of access technologies, meaning that numerous technologies will be exploited for broadband communication. Various factors will affect the success of these future broadband markets, the regulatory policy being one amongst others. So far, a coherent regulatory approach does not exist as to broadband markets. First results of policies so far suggest that less sector-specific regulation is likely to occur. Instead, regulators must ensure that access to networks and services of potentially dominant providers in a relevant broadband market will satisfy requirements for openness and non-discrimination. In this environment the future challenge of regulationg broadband markets will be to set the right incentives for investment into new infrastructures. This paper examines whether there is a need for the regulation of future broadband access markets an if yes, what is the appropriate regulatory tool to do so. Thereby the focus is on the analysis of European broadband markets and the regulatory approaches applied. The first section provides a description of the characteristics of future broadband markets. The second section discusses possible bottlenecks on broadband markets an their regulatory implications. The third section will examine regulatory issues concerning access to broadband networks in more detail. This will be done by comparing the regulatory approaches of European countries and the results in terms of bradband penetration. The final section will give key recommendations for a regulatory strategy on brandband access markets.
Die Garantie im Kaufrecht
(1995)
Divided government is often thought of as causing legislative deadlock. I investigate the link between divided government and economic reforms using a novel data set on welfare reforms in US states between 1978 and 2010. Panel data regressions show that, under divided government, a US state is around 25% more likely to adopt a welfare reform than under unified government. Several robustness checks confirm this counter-intuitive finding. Case study evidence suggests an explanation based on policy competition between governor, senate, and house.
Does stiffer electoral competition reduce political shirking? For a micro-analysis of this question, I construct a new data set spanning the years 2005 to 2012 covering biographical and political information about German Members of Parliament (MPs), including their attendance rates in voting sessions. For the parliament elected in 2009, I show that indeed opposition party MPs who expect to face a close race in their district show significantly and relevantly lower absence rates in parliament beforehand. MPs of governing parties seem not to react significantly to electoral competition. These results are confirmed by an analysis of the parliament elected in 2005, by several robustness checks, and also by employing an instrumental variable strategy exploiting convenient peculiarities of the German electoral system. The study also shows how MPs elected via party lists react to different levels of electoral competition.